Tuesday, June 28, 2011

Analysis of Lu Xun's Stories

Lu Xun’s cynicism towards superstition is evident in many of his works, which often take place in rural settings where people are prone to these beliefs. For example, he tells us about a character named Jun-Tu in “My Old Home” who was born on a certain date pertaining to the horoscope, which consequently meant that “he could … catch small birds and fish.”[1] This is ironic because since it is about his birth, that horoscope is supposed to be predictive of his whole life, and yet it is so mundane and specific. In another instance in his story “Medicine,” while visiting his grave, an unnamed old woman imagines that her son’s spirit is still present and asks him to demonstrate this by making a “crow fly onto [his] grave as a sign.”[2] The crow never gives them the satisfaction, though, merely flying off to the distance, which gives the story a purposefully unsatisfying end.[3] In fact, Lu Xun makes this explicit because the old woman’s last words, “What does it mean?” are never answered or resolved.[4] Because this question can be interpreted as “What is the point of it?” it represents the author’s discontent with superstition itself. In the same story, there is a much more obvious and unfortunate example of taking superstitious beliefs too seriously. In the story, the characters are told that “A roll of human blood … can cure any consumption!” which they take to heart, and give up a large sum of money to obtain this.[5] By repeating the phrase “a guaranteed cure” five times throughout the story, Lu Xun conveys how the characters are fooling themselves by stubbornly believing in the roll’s healing power, which in the end proves vain as the sick one is unaffected by the human blood and dies shortly thereafter.[6] Thus, Lu Xun warns us that superstition is not only a waste of resources, but putting faith in its unreliable predictions can be fatal.

Another custom that Lu Xun is particularly resentful of throughout his stories is the class system in China. In “My Old Home,” two characters, the narrator and Jun-Tu, met as children and became fast friends, but when they met again decades later, their classes were on very different levels.[7] As a result, when they did meet, instead of embracing like any other pair of old friends would, they only stood awkwardly apart and Jun-Tu could only say “Master!...” and force his child who was with him to bow to the narrator as well.[8] This reservation may have been valued in Confucian society, but Lu Xun shows the reader how ridiculous he thinks it is that two friends can not treat each other as friends when they meet. In this case, the class system overpowers even intimate personal bonds two people have developed, which Lu Xun finds unacceptable. He again uses the technique of stating his problem explicitly after suggesting it implicitly, when in the same story the narrator is on his way back from home describes that he feels an “invisible high wall, cutting [him] off from [his] fellows.”[9] Another image of class structure that arises criticism is in “The True Story of Ah Q.” In Chapter 3, the main character is “favored with a slap … by Mr. Chao” and “became famous.”[10] So in this case, even though we know that Ah Q was probably the one that transgressed on Mr. Chao, and the latter was just in his punishment, the people still treat Ah Q with “unusual respect” just because he was touched by an upperclass individual.[11] Another startling example of this criticism is in Chapter 7, when Ah Q attempts to join the revolutionaries.[12] Preaching of revolution, he shows up at the convent, but the nun tells him that “The revolutionaries have already been here.”[13] She then goes on to say that the revolutionaries are the successful country candidate and the Imitation Foreign Devil―two of the most upperclass characters in the story.[14] Here Lu Xun may be mocking the revolution itself, because in China it was not led by the proletariat as Marx had hoped, but by the educated scholars, who claimed to represent the proletariat. This is of course a complete farce of a communist revolution and a mockery of Marx’s philosophy because instead of having the upper class overthrown, the upper class actually helped itself get ahead.



[1] “My Old Home,” p. 56

[2] “Medicine,” p. 33

[3] Ibid.

[4] Ibid.

[5] “Medicine,” p. 29; “Medicine,” p. 25

[6] “Medicine,” p. 31

[7] “My Old Home,” p. 55-56

[8] “My Old Home,” p. 61.

[9] “My Old Home,” p. 63

[10] “The True Story of Ah Q,” p. 74.

[11] “The True Story of Ah Q,” p. 75.

[12] “The True Story of Ah Q,” p. 96.

[13] “The True Story of Ah Q,” p. 99.

[14] Ibid.

Laws Versus People in Ancient China.

Of the three most popular schools of Ancient Chinese philosophy with respect to government, Confucianists valued a ruler that would lead by his own virtue, Daoists preferred a government as minimal as humanly possible, and the Legalists had confidence that good laws alone could hold a nation together well.

Although different teachers of Confucian thought differed greatly in what they taught, a very significant undercurrent of the school is best made by Confucius himself, who said that if a ruler will “lead them by means of virtue and regulate them thorugh rituals … they will have a sense of shame and moreover have standards.”[1] Confucianists argue against reliance on laws and rules to control their populations, fearing that “the people will be evasive”[2] and do their best to go agains the government. But if the governor rules by his amazing virtue rather than by laws, “the common people will love their superiors and die for those in charge of them.”[3] In this way, the Confucianist teachers are advocating not for a strong government per se, but a strong ruler.

Legalists, on the other hand, do advocate for laws and regulations, and rather strongly. Han Feizi, for example, considers “the intelligent ruler … [as one who] does not cultivate feelings of empathy but builds up awe for his power.”[4] He disagrees with Confucius’s virtuous ruler, because “if one wishes to curb subordinates by acting righteously, the relationship will be flawed.”[5] Han Feizi reinforces this point, saying that instead of trying to inspire the people to be decent, “the enlightened ruler … increases the guards and makes the penalties heavier; he depends on laws and prohibitions to control the people…”[6]

Lastly, we come to the Daoists, whose ideal form of government emphasizes neither rules or rulers, believing instead in a near-absence of government entirely. Laozi professes in his Dao De Jing, that “the sage takes on the task of doing nothing / And teaches without speaking.”[7] He directly disagrees with Confucianists and Legalists, saying that “those who use knowledge to rule a state / Are a plague on the country,”[8] and that conversely, the best government is one that would “make the state small and its people few.”[9] This mysterious calling to rule without ruling is difficult to imagine and truly flies in the face of the carefully planned governmental procedures of the other two main schools of thought, insisting that the more laissez-faire the government is, the more the subordinates will coexist in harmony.

In conclusion, the three schools of thought can be arranged on a scale from emphasizing government to emphasizing the people. The Legalist school advocates for strong laws and regulations, not trusting the ruler to use his own judgement to lead the people and be able to sustain his state for long. Confucianism, in the middle, is a compromise between laws and people, lightening up on laws (Confucius barely talks about them) and trusting the people to take a virtuous ruler as a role model and follow in his path towards forging a better society. Daoism, though, is on the opposite extreme, willing to forego virtually all governmental functions, leaving the state to the people who will function in it just by going about their daily routine. These are the ways in which proponents of these three schools of thought views the role of government in society and the economy.



[1] Ebrey, Patricia. “6: Confucian Teachings” in Chinese Civilization: a Sourcebook. (New York: The Free Press, 1993), 21.

[2] Ebrey, 21.

[3] Ebrey, 23.

[4] Ebrey, Patricia. “8: Legalist Teachings” in Chinese Civilization: a Sourcebook. (New York: The Free Press, 1993), 37.

[5] Ebrey II, 35.

[6] Ebrey II, 36.

[7] Ebrey, Patricia. “7: Daoist Teachings” in Chinese Civilization: a Sourcebook. (New York: The Free Press, 1993), 28.

[8] Ebrey III, 29.

[9] Ebrey III, 29.

Tuesday, February 23, 2010

The Athenian Prosecution System as a Protector of Democracy and Community

Imagine if you will that you are walking through the neighborhood in the early evening, just as folks are finishing their dinner. Suddenly, you see a man in disguise climbing though the window of a nearby house with an empty sack in his clutches. What do you do? Whip out my cell phone, you would say, and call 9-1-1, of course! But wait. The catch is that you are a citizen in ancient Athens in the fourth century before the Common Era. This condition suddenly poses a much different problem. Do you call the police? Is there any kind of police in the first place? Would you scream and try to get everybody’s attention? Would you try to stop the perpetrator yourself? The reality of the matter is that in Athens, crimes such as these were dealt with for the most part by the person against whom the crime was committed. In this case, as an innocent bystander, you would be obligated to actively witness the crime as it was happening, as well as get others to witness it with you. The plight of the owner of the soon-to-be taken property is even worse. He is responsible for every part of the process, from figuring out who the perpetrator was to persecuting him in court to exacting the punishment charged by the court. Fortunately, in many cases the government of the Athenian city-state did in fact have a role in intervening during the process. They were responsible for widows and orphans that suffered injustices and would conduct most of the legal procedures on their behalf, and also apprehend suspects when the litigator himself was physically unable to do so. In cases of large public offenses, the boule would even undertake the legal process without a private litigator if they deemed the case important enough for the security of the nation. Finally, Athens had a force of around 300 Scythian slaves which they employed as a kind of formal police force at public events to protect attendees. Despite this, the government’s intervention was indeed very little compared to the highly structured and involved police and justice system that we are used to in modern times, laying the brunt of the work onto the individual who has been offended in some way. What this implies for Athens is that the only way one could win and follow through most legal cases is to have a large social network. Reliable people are needed to act as a witness during the event of the crime, they are needed to aid in gathering information and doing detective work, they are needed to testify in court and they are even needed to carry out the court’s ruling. For this reason, the Athenian prosecution system in the 4th century BC was an important factor contributing to the perpetuation of Athens as a face-to-face society that required everybody to know everybody else, which serves as another window into the Greek mentality of individualism and democracy, and their unparallelled value for political and civic participation from every citizen. In the following paragraphs I will elaborate on the persecution process for the litigator, on the involvement of the government, and on the involvement of bystanders and community members and their importance to the process.

As mentioned before, the litigant alone is responsible for presenting his case to the jury, including the investigation, apprehention and prosecution of the miscreant. Even in the case of investigation, he was required to do at least four different tasks that were all serious and difficult, “Being required to seek out relevant laws and decrees; to solicit witnesses; to employ the skills of a detective, if a special search was needed; and to issue a public challenge to his opponent to give or receive slaves for torture,” (Hunter, 1994:130 ). As far as laws and decrees were concerned, this was, especially at first, only available on written plaques located in different areas around the city which had to be found and carefully recited, because stating a law that does not exist was an offense punishable by death. To this end, it would be very reasonable for the litigator to find a group of acquaintances (who all needed to be literate) to aid him in the search for the relevant laws. (Hunter, 1994:131). The search for witnesses was of a similar vein, and included all the neighbors of the person whom the crime had been committed against who are often called upon by the victim or other bystanders to witness the scene of the crime as it happens.

Once all the information was put together for the lawsuit to be able to succeed, the next job of the litigant was to find the actual defendant and bring him to court. Since this requires the use of force if the defendant failed to show up after a formal summons had been made, it is a very clear example of just how much responsibility was put on the person trying to prosecute. If and when the suspect was spotted by the person trying to make an arrest, both parties would immediately call out to the bystanders (which, as usual, always happened to be around), and try to convince them of their own story and why they are in the right. Then usually the bystanders would help to intervene to stop the suspect or to prevent the apprehender if they felt that the person being chased was actually in the right. So because Athens didn’t have an official police force like in modern times, the citizens needed to have friends and family that they could depend on to help them take the place of this institution in times of need. (Hunter, 1994:139) This is a crucial analysis of the Athenian point of view on civic duty, because although we know that they expected their citizens to participate in the politics of Athens and to vote, this kind of participation, which could be classified as manual labor and putting one’s life at risk, was also viewed as a required duty of being a good citizen. If you were a bystander in Athens and saw the robber sneaking into your neighbor’s house and you did nothing but walk the other way, it would be a shameful shirking of political duty on your part.

Finally we come to the last part of the litigant’s job, that of prosecuting the miscreant whom he already worked so hard to apprehend. But he would have no reprieve here either, for “the citizen who was responsible for the arrest of a criminal … exercised the functions of both prosecuting attorney and complaining witness when the trial took place,” (Bonner 1927:46). There were no reliable forms of professional lawyers or any other such amenities that we are used to in courts to-day, and both the prosecutor and defendant had to use their full knowledge, oral skills and all the evidence they were able to come up with personally in the trial, and to present their own case. The only case in which there was an exception to this is if either man found a representative to speak for them under exceptional circumstances, and also the families of the two parties were allowed to say a few words after the cases for each side were presented. (Bonner, 1927:55). At last, when the verdict is reached, we come to the matter of the penalty. In public suits (those against the state), Athenian officials carried out the penalty themselves (even this not always, for in the case of a fee the prosecutor would be expected to do this privately as well). In private suits, on the other hand, the responsibility for carrying out the penalty was, again, entirely the responsibility of the litigant. If the defendant did not do what the verdict had stated in the time period allowed, the litigant was expected to force him to do this, i.e. appear at his place of residence and take whatever property he owed to the litigant, etc. If this still did not work (a dangerous prospect to be sure―if one uses force and doesn’t succeed this could surely imply having been overpowered and even killed), then finally the state would step in to make the defendant a state debtor and some official would then bring extra force to coerce the miscreant into compliance. But throughout this process we see that Athens relies incredibly on its individual citizens to carry out the repressive tasks of policing wrongdoers. From investigating the case, to bringing the defendant to court, to making his case and winning it, and finally to carrying out the punishment deemed appropriate by the court (who also, by the way, consisted of voluntary citizens), the responsibility overwhelmingly lies in the hands of the litigant himself. This reveals a great deal about the value Athenians had for individuality and public duty, not merely because it had these expectations for the harried litigant in the first place, but also because it repeatedly entrusted the security of the polis to such private individuals. Consider that with the exception of the few public cases in which the government does play a role in prosecuting the defense (and even then not fully), the only protection from evildoers against future misconduct to the rest of the public was the victim of the latest crime committed by this person. This level of expectation is astounding, and could even be considered careless because the duty of the government is to protect the citizens. Nevertheless, the Greeks faithfully carried out their duty and participated politically as their expectations dictated, keeping their streets safe.

There is another important aspect gleaned from discussion of this legal process which has been touched upon but not yet been fully brought to light, and that is the aid from the rest of the community. In almost every step of the process we saw a large window of opportunity for this phenomenon to present itself. While gathering information on laws and doing detective work for the case, having no formal venues to turn to, the litigant needed to ask his community to aid him with this task if he wanted to get everything done in a reasonable amount of time. Apprehending the criminal was an especially important point to involve the help of community members, as we have seen, most importantly because unlike an organized police force, which would apprehend the person whom there were charges against almost without question, the community could choosewhom to help based on their previous knowledge of the individuals or what they hear during the attempt at catching the defendant itself. The implications of this mean that the bigger and more positive your reputation is among your community, the more likely you are to glean the help of your community in catching your enemy, and the more likely you are in making progress with your entire case. And lastly, although the community deliberately has little capacity to change the outcome of the actual trial, they once again become necessary to exact the punishment provided that the court ruled in the litigant’s favor. Since, again, there is no formal authority that would consider aiding the litigant from the start, if he had somehow miraculously gotten this far in the prosecution process without the aid of any community members, the defendant would have much less to fear of one man attempting to confiscate his personal property than a man and a large posse of neighbors behind him.

Thus, almost paradoxically, the set-up of the ancient Athenian system of prosecuting a defendant perpetuated both individualism and a tightly-knit community. Private initiative was the one major driving force behind the entire legal process from the scene of the crime to the final resolution of the conflict. But at the same time, it would be impossible for one man to accomplish any of these tasks with any notable degree of success were it not for the community behind him that helped to overpower resistance and greatly reduce the amount of time for preparation in every step, all by personal virtue and completely voluntarily. It becomes clear that the Athenian government, though in most likelihood unconsciously, uses this individualistic system of dealing with miscreants to accomplish a twofold purpose: first, to maintain the knowledge base of its citizens, contributing to the preservation of an efficient and well-informed democratic system of government by putting most responsibility for carrying out policing and prosecution into the citizens’ hands, and second to halt the deterioration of community that we so often bemoan in the real world dead in its tracks by putting such a strong emphasis on the necessity of a supportive community to accomplish any legal procedure.

What can we glean from this lesson? While these methods are indeed rather extreme from the perspective of modern nations, the most important value that Athens has shown us is that putting responsibility into the hands of citizens leads to very important positive outcomes. In the modern world, there are no concessions to the citizen to carry out civic duty to the extent that they are given in ancient Athens. In fact, most of the actions described above would be prohibited today. But perhaps if we allowed our citizens to take a bigger role in the process of persecution as they did in Athens, our citizens would also begin to educate themselves with increased vigor. As for the necessity of community aid, I would argue that ancient Athens has provided us with a sufficient basis to conclude that if we were to call an organized police force and justice system as the higher level of security, then there is not only a tradeoff between security and individualism as many authors have argued in sociological texts, but even community ties are affected by an overwhelming obsession of government control over public safety.Thus, as the duties of social control are delegated more and more to the government, we must be aware that we may be hurting ourselves in more than one way.

Bibliography

Hunter, Virginia J. Policing Athens: Social Control in the Attic lawsuits, 420-320 B. C.Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1994.

Bonner, Robert J. Lawyrs and Litigants in Ancient Athens: The Genesis of the legal Profession. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1927.

Cohen, David. “Crime, Punishment and the Rule of Law in Classical Athens,” The Cambridge Companion to Ancient Greek Law. New York: Cambridge University Press, 2005

Gagarin, Michael. Early Greek Law. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1986.

Wednesday, September 23, 2009

Save Fort Ross


The crisis forced California Government to dramatically cut down the funds for the State Parks and so Fort Ross State Historic Park is now in danger of being closed. We understand that this was unfortunate and hard decision that our lawmakers had to make but Fort Ross is not just "another" typical State Park where you can bring your family for a weekend to relax and grill some sausages - it's part of our American History.


In nowadays American and Russian visitors, volunteers, and helpers come to "Fort Ross", the museum under the sky. The park is open for Cultural Heritage Days and is the point where two cultures interweave naturally. There people from many backgrounds meet, and the relaxed and beautiful site of the open air museum helps to promote understanding between nations.

This place is especially important for the young generation. There are interactive educational programs for children. As a part of the overnight trips at Fort Ross, students, dressed in XIX century costumes, adopt the names of people who lived in the settlement and study this page of local and Russian history through enacting various aspects of the life at this time. American youth get to know more about the different people who lived here; and Russian children who live in America feel their roots and their belonging to the rich Russian culture through Fort Ross.


This is our responsibility to preserve the memory about the people who lived in California before us and to pass this information to our children. Please sign the following simple petition to save this beautiful piece of our history: http://makefortrossnationalmonument.us/index.html